French man with Middle East coronavirus MERS dies

Paris: A French man infected with a deadly new SARS-like coronavirus linked to the Middle East, MERS, died Tuesday of the disease, according to health officials.

The disease has killed half the people known to be infected and alarmed global health officials.

The novel coronavirus is a respiratory disease related to SARS, which killed some 800 people in a global epidemic in 2003, mostly in Asia. Dr. Margaret Chan, head of the World Health Organization, singled out the illness in a speech on Monday in Geneva.

"We understand too little about this virus when viewed against the magnitude of its potential threat," Chan said at the annual WHO meeting. "We do not know where the virus hides in nature. We do not know how people are getting infected. Until we answer these questions, we are empty-handed when it comes to prevention. These are alarm bells. And we must respond."

The 65-year-old Frenchman, whose illness was identified May 8 after he returned from a visit to the United Arab Emirates, died Tuesday. His hospital roommate also tested positive for the illness.

WHO said in an earlier May 23 update that 22 of 44 confirmed cases of the disease have ended in death.

Cases have been confirmed in Jordan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). France, Germany, Tunisia and the U.K. also reported laboratory-confirmed cases, but they were either transferred for care or returned from Middle East and subsequently got sick. At this time, the WHO has not recommended travel or trade restrictions.

U.S. doctors have also been asked by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to keep an eye out for the new virus in patients who had traveled to the Middle East.

French authorities started handing out leaflets at airports to travelers to the Middle East earlier this month, advising them to wash their hands frequently and reduce contact with animals, the Wall Street Journal reported.

The disease resembles a bat virus, but experts noted other animals like camels or goats may have a role in the diseases' spread.

Last Monday after the WHO's 66th World Health Assembly kicked off, Chan criticized scientific red tape from a dispute over which lab owns the virus as stalling investigation into the new disease.

"Please, I'm very strong on this point, and I want you to excuse me," she said last week. "Tell your scientists in your country, because you're the boss. You're the national authority. Why would your scientists send specimens out to other laboratories on a bilateral manner and allow other people to take intellectual property rights on a new disease?"

For more info: http://www.who.int/csr/disease/coronavirus_infections/en/

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Middle_East_respiratory_syndrome_coronavirus

The grieving postmaster building a replica Taj Mahal to mourn his wife

When Mughal emperor Shah Jahan lost his beloved wife Mumtaz in 1631, he built the Taj Mahal, the white marble mausoleum regarded by many as the world's greatest monument to love and grief.

Faizul Hasan Kadari built the Taj Mahal replica for his wife Begum Tajmulli who died in 2011 

So when 77-year-old retired postmaster Faizul Hasan Kadari's wife died in December 2011, he knew exactly what he had to do: build his own Taj Mahal for the wife he loved no less than the great Mughal loved his.

Now, 16 months later, his "mini-Taj" is taking shape on a 5000 sqare feet plot in Bulandshahr, near Lucknow in Uttar Pradesh, and the grieving farmer is on his way to becoming a local celebrity.

^{Faizul Hasan Kadari with a photo of his wife Begum Tajmulli}

While the Taj Mahal stands at 561 feet and is flanked by four 130 feet minarets, Faizul Hasan Kadari's mausoleum and memorial to his love, Begum Tajmulli, is a rough replica the height of a large unfinished house, waiting for its white marble cladding and Koranic calligraphy inscriptions.

So far he has spent around £25,000 on the Bulandshahr Taj, but plans to spend more yet. "There would be everything which the Taj Mahal has. When completed, it will cover about two acres of land, which may also have a garden similar to the garden of Taj Mahal. I have spent about Rs 20 lakhs so far," he explained.

He had once regarded Shah Jahan's monument to his wife's memory was wasteful and extravagant until his own wife died. "I used to think that Shah Jahan insulted the common man by building a magnificent monument to love. But after the death of my wife in December 2011, I realised that it had more about the intensity of love than the money," he told.

"Since we were issueless and I had no other liabilities, I started construction of my own Taj Mahal on a piece of land which was not useful for agricultural purposes," he added.
Now his wife is buried inside and he hopes they will be reunited when he finally passes away. "I have written in my will that my graveyard should be besides her," he said.

Nitaqat:Emergency exit papers of 18,000 Indians processed

Dubai: About 18,000 Indian workers in Saudi Arabia, who had applied for emergency exit papers amid concerns about possible job losses after a new labour law, have got their travel documents processed. 

An estimated 18,000 Indian workers, out of about 60,000 applicants, have had their emergency travel documents processed, an Indian Embassy official was quoted as saying by the Arab News. 

Sibi George, deputy chief of the mission, was responding to figures released in the Indian Parliament on Wednesday by Overseas Affairs Minister Vayalar Ravi. 

“Actually this number of 18,000 represents those whose cases have been processed by the Indian diplomatic missions in Saudi Arabia,” George said. 

George said over 60,000 Indian workers are seeking emergency travel documents. He added that many workers from other countries are also seeking emergency travel documents. 

Sharif Alam, an Indian community leader, said, “Indian workers have been approaching the embassy and the Jeddah-based consulate on a daily basis for travel documents.”


He said centers across the Kingdom are helping workers submit their applications. 

A delegation led by Ravi visited the Kingdom two weeks ago to raise concerns about the country's Nitaqat programme. 

During the talks, both sides had agreed to set up a joint working group to address “all immediate problems” facing the Indian community, including issues related to overstaying workers. 

The 'Nitaqat' law makes it mandatory for local companies to hire one Saudi national for every 10 migrant workers. There has been widespread perception that the new policy will lead to denial of job opportunities for a large number of Indians working there. 

Over two million Indians are currently working in Saudi Arabia. The Saudi government was implementing the Nitaqat law to cut unemployment in the country. 

More than 200,000 foreigners have been deported from the country over the past few months as part of labour market reforms aimed at putting more Saudi nationals into private sector jobs, where they now make up only a tenth of the workforce.

CBI has evidence against Bansal too

The opinion poll results forecasting the return of the Congress to power in Karnataka could have won only a temporary reprieve for Railway Minister Pawan Kumar Bansal. Sources in the CBI said that it was a matter of time before the minister was confronted with evidences in the matter.

Bansal’s nephew Vijay Singla and Railway Board member Mahesh Kumar were arrested on Friday in what could be termed as ‘note-for-post’ scam. The member, now under suspension, is alleged to have handed over Rs 90 lakh as part of the Rs 10 crore deal with the minister’s nephew to secure a seat on the Railway Board. Mahesh Kumar was appointed to the post on 2 May. Kumar was eyeing the post of Member (Electrical) in the board.

Incidentally, the CBI’s director himself is embroiled in a case of alleged official misdemeanour in the probe relating to the coal gate scam. The matter is coming up before the apex court on Monday.

‘The CBI’s investigating officers has call records of over three months which was collected after tracking over 1000 telephone calls and the evidence is not a problem. In fact, the entire operation conducted by the CBI ensured that the accused are caught red-handed,’ CBI sources stated, adding that, ‘The money has exchanged hands in the railway ministry for postings, transfers and appointments and in connection with big contracts.’

The lid was blown as the CBI raided the office of one Sandeep Goyal in a Chandigarh mall where an initial payment of Rs. 90 lakh was being made to Vijay Singla. A Bangalore-based businessman Narayan Rao Manjunath was also apprehended and the agency suspects that the entire amount was arranged by him. The deal was locked at Rs 10 crores.

Other than the four main players, Mahesh Kumar, Vijay Singla, Sandeep Goyal and Manjunath, the CBI has also arrested the two courier boys, Dharmendra Kumar and Vivek Kumar. 

Meanwhile, BJP leader Satya Pal Jain on Sunday demanded that the CBI should interrogate Bansal who has said he has no business links with his arrested nephew.

Chinese provocation: Is India prepared?

The Chinese intrusion into Depsang Bulge in East Ladakh, approximately 19 km inside our perception of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) on April 15, has raised temperatures both militarily and politically on either side. A series of border personnel meetings between the militaries of the two sides have not been able to resolve the issue so far and the standoff continues till date. It would not be incorrect to presume that this latest provocation from the Chinese side has been undertaken with the tacit approval of the highest levels in the Chinese hierarchy.

As we grapple with the current situation, it has reignited introspection as to our level of preparedness should things go from bad to worse.

Fifty years have elapsed since the Chinese aggression took place in 1962. A number of articles have appeared in the media covering that period as well as the events preceding it. While there are many reasons for the Indian Army's debacle, and these have been discussed threadbare in the past 50 years, there is no doubt about the valour, courage and heroism of the Indian soldier even in the most adverse circumstances which obtained then. Given the right training, equipment and battlefield support, he is better than the best in the world. With that as the takeaway, we need to ensure that such a setback is never ever repeated.

The infrastructure on our side of the Line of Actual Control between China and India is yet to be developed fully, despite our best efforts so far.

For a realistic assessment, first and foremost, there is need for clarity on some basic issues. Many an analyst has discounted the very possibility of a future Sino-Indian conflict on the grounds that both countries stand to gain from a cooperative engagement, that trade between the two countries is increasing exponentially over time, that there is enough space for both to grow simultaneously and that both are speaking in the same voice at global forums on issues like global warming, climate change, global economy, trade barriers, etc.

It is further suggested that China already being at the global level, has more important issues like Taiwan, South China Sea and finally Pacific Ocean dominance to worry about in consonance with its stature; therefore, it would not like to get involved in a border skirmish with India.

While it is good to be optimistic, we should not veer too far away from pragmatism and reality, especially where issues of national security are concerned. The possibility of a standoff like the present one on the LAC flaring up into a bigger confrontation can never be ruled out.

There is no getting away from the fact that China has assiduously tried to create an impression that India does not figure in its scheme of things and that India's rise and growth over the past decade has little significance and in no way threatens China.

In an analysis carried out by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in January 2013 titled "Crux of Asia: China, India and the Emerging Global Order", Ashley J Tellis and Sean Mirski highlight that "Differences in the Chinese and Indian positions sometimes arise from the two countries' competing visions but more often from their underlying geopolitical rivalry, which appears to be sufficiently deep-rooted so as to prevent the two states from realising any natural accommodation. To be sure, both sides bend over backward to conceal their differences in public, and both have often struggled to reach some accommodation that might permit occasional practical cooperation. But the differences in national power and performance between the two countries, the seeming disdain with which China treats India, and the deep fears that India harbors about China's policies and intentions lead to a never-ending contest for securing strategic advantages."

While cooperation and healthy competition are welcome and desirable, the seeds of confrontation are inherent between the two nations engaged in competition, at both the regional and global level.

Considering the fact that India is one of the few countries with which China has not resolved its long-standing boundary issue and that it has had a prolonged mutually beneficial ongoing relationship with Pakistan, the possibility of a confrontation between the two can never be ruled out.

From a national security perspective, it would, therefore, be prudent to be prepared for a threat to our territorial integrity. The last thing that India would want is a repeat of 1962!

A second issue that needs clarity is whether we expect to be subjected to an all-out, full-fledged war or a limited border war. Development of massive infrastructure in Tibet, modernisation of the PLA Army, Navy and Air Force, growth of Second Artillery and a fourfold increase in Chinese defence budget since 2000 gives it the option of indulging in an all-out war. However, given the regional and global realities, Chinese consciousness of its image as an emerging global power and the likely Chinese rationale of going to war over the boundary issue, the possibility of a limited war appears much stronger.

Thirdly, we need to introspect that while we may from time to time upgrade our operational readiness to meet the Chinese challenge, the Chinese continue to remain far ahead and we are invariably struggling to catch up. This is inevitable considering the kind of military spending China is indulging in. For the financial year 2012-13, the official Chinese military budget was $106.4 billion, the second highest in the world. As per Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) estimates, the actual expenditure is likely to be approximately one and a half times this figure.

As opposed to this, the Indian defence budget stood at a meagre $38 billion approximately.

In the current financial year, the official Chinese military budget is $115 billion approximately. In the span of last two decades, we have seen the PLA grow from an obsolete force, which was given a bloody nose by the Vietnamese, into a formidable, modernised and well-equipped military backed by an array of force multipliers. In the same period, the Indian military has been strenuously fighting counter insurgency battles in both J&K and the northeast and its equipment profile is nearing obsolescence. The danger is that this gap between the two is likely to keep increasing with passage of time, if past trends are any indication. Some major corrective steps are, therefore, necessary by us before it gets too late.

To begin with, it is crucial that we spend at least three per cent of our GDP on defence. Yearly shortfalls on this account can never be made up by onetime infusion at the time of a crisis.

Even during the Kargil conflict, General VP Malik, the then army chief, was constrained to say "we will fight with what we have" in the light of the shortages existing. We need to have a military which is consistently ready to face challenges to the country. National security, to ensure unhindered growth, is crucial.

With the limited resources available, we need to priortise our spending in such a manner that immediate threats are taken care of before we move on to other larger goals. It must also be appreciated that in the ultimate analysis, victory or defeat is measured in terms of real estate gained or lost. Thus, in case of a limited war with China, it is important that the Army and the Air Force who have to fight that war are allocated larger resources to begin with.

The infrastructure on our side of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) between China and India has yet to be developed fully, despite our best efforts so far. This is likely to prove a handicap in fighting a successful defensive battle. Our own environmental restrictions and prolonged land acquisition procedures need to be fine-tuned to hasten infrastructural development. Sixty-five years after independence, we are still dependent on one single, tenuous road axis in a number of crucial sectors.

Secondly, the Border Roads Organisation, which is the prime agency responsible for creating infrastructure in areas close to the LAC, is neither well-equipped and staffed nor well-organised and funded to deliver the desired results. Its functioning needs to be thoroughly reviewed and adequate funding provided to it to complete important infrastructure projects in a time-bound manner.

The possibility that in case of a conflict with China, Pakistan will not hesitate to fish in troubled waters and start something of its own on our western border also cannot be ruled out. Therefore, India has to be prepared to defend itself on both fronts and must accordingly develop its capabilities.

With a regime change in China having taken place, it would be worth India's while to work for a mutually acceptable settlement of the vexatious boundary issue. A resolution of this crucial issue would reduce the possibility of hostilities between the two countries. Further, it would avoid the threat of a two-front war, improve bilateral relations with China and enhance cooperation between the two countries on regional and global issues.

Finally, India has been consistent in following an independent foreign policy which suits our interests best. We have consciously stayed away from being part of any alignments. However, in the event of a continuously bellicose and confrontationist Chinese attitude, India should keep its options open for alignments at both the regional and global levels to meet the challenges of a hostile environment. Diplomatic alignments would be an additional hedge against avoiding a repeat of 1962.